Re: Labour aristocracy

From: Paul Bullock (paulbullock@EBMS-LTD.CO.UK)
Date: Tue Jan 06 2004 - 17:12:44 EST


Simon,

my response is at the very bottom of your reply

Paul B

----- Original Message -----
From: "Simon Mohun" <s.mohun@QMUL.AC.UK>
To: <OPE-L@SUS.CSUCHICO.EDU>
Sent: Tuesday, January 06, 2004 2:40 PM
Subject: Re: Labour aristocracy


> Paul B:
> WHAT IS 'ACTUALLY UNCLEAR' IS THE POINT YOU WISH TO MAKE.
> Sorry.
>
> >THE OVERALL AVERAGE WAGE OF US WORKERS  SAYS LITTLE ABOUT THE LABOUR
ARISTOCRACY UNLESS YOU WISH TO IDENTIFIY ALL U.S. WORKERS WITH  SUCH A
SECTION, WHICH I DO NOT.
> >IT IS TRUE THAT EVEN THE POOR IN THE US HAVE TENDED TO LIVE BETTER THAN
THE  MOST MISERABLE IN THE OPPRESSED STATES, BUT  THIS IS NOT SUFFICIENT TO
CLASS THE US POOR AS LABOUR ARISTICRATS! YOUR '18 CENTS' WORTH IS THEREFORE
NOT OF ANY MERIT IN THIS DISCUSSION UNLESS YOU ARE POINTING TO THE
STATISTICAL FACT THAT AS SOME GET RICHER, OTHERS GET POORER, AND SO YOURSELF
LEAVE THE QUESTION OPEN.
>
> It is empirically true that, on average, 83 per cent of employed labour
> have achieved a total increase in real wages per hour of 18 cents over
> about two decades. This allows for direct taxes, superannuation payments
> and cash benefits from the state. The other 17 per cent (roughly
> supervisory labour) have done very very much better.
>
> >WHENYOU MOVE TO NON PRODUCTION WORKERS YOU ABANDON SKILLED, HIGHER PAID,
PRODUCTION WORKERS, AND INCLUDE LOW PAID SERVICE WORKERS . WHY?
>
> The BLS definition roughly distinguishes labour that supervises from
labour
> that doesn't. Define supervisory labour as unproductive. Then that leaves
> production workers in productive sectors (defined by SIC), which is
> productive labour, and production workers in unproductive sectors (roughly
> trade and financial), which has to be added to supervisory labour to get
> total unproductive labour. The distinction between productive and
> unproductive labour is important (but you know that), but so too is the
> distinction between production and nonproduction workers. It depends what
> questions you want to ask.
>
> >THE AIM OF 'PROGRESSIVE' ( SUBJECTIVELY) CAPITALISTS, IS TO MAKE THE
WORKERS BELIEVE THAT THERE IS NO ANTAGONISM  BETWEEN LABOUR AND CAPITAL ,
AND AS MANY HAVE  POINTED OUT  THEY ARE PREPARED TO SPEND A CERTAIN AMOUNT
OF MONEY ( EG 'by giving office employees and skilled workers a share of the
profits'... KRUPSKAYA ) IN ORDER TO ACHIEVE THEIR AIM.
>
> Now you seem to want to make a different distinction. I have no problem
> with this; as I said it depends what questions you want to ask. But, and
> this is the issue, you seem to be saying  A. some workers are paid more
than others (office employees and skilled  workers?)

> B. these extra wage payments have their origin in the exploitation of
third
> world workers.
>
> A is obviously true, but which workers do you want to group together and
> why? What are the trends through time?
> B is presumably not a definition but a hypothesis. If it is something
other
> than a tautology, you must be able to explain
> 1. the quantitative impact on US wages
> 2. the actual mechanisms by which this occurs
> and you must be able to give a convincing qualitative account of how and
> why removal of this support to wages would make (more highly paid? less
> highly paid? both?) US workers more likely to reject the status quo.
>
> Is that clearer?
>
> Simon

The issue remains in the discussion that whilst the existence of better paid
(above average wages )  workers  is not denied,  a) that the compensatory
sources of surplus value come from the lowest paid who are ovewhelmingly
located in states subject to the control of foreign capital seems to be
doubted ( why, I cannot quite imagine, what do you think NAFTA is about?))
b) that there seems to be some assumption of  an 'automaticity' in your
concluding comment, between wages down/ militancy up ( whereas others have
asked the converse,  for a link between wages up/ militancy down). What  I
see is that such higher paid wage workers  provide fertile ground for all
reformism and indeed reaction, as opposed to the very poor.  The qualititive
link you require is provided in the voting statistics for Hitler, or more
recently the swing of skilled workers to Thatcher in '79. The social
composition of Poujadism, or the 'recent' upsurge in the right in Europe etc
etc To whom has Blair adapted?

Paul.

>
>
>
> >Paul Bullock
> >
> >
> >
> >
> >----- Original Message -----
> >From: "Simon Mohun" <s.mohun@QMUL.AC.UK>
> >To: <OPE-L@SUS.CSUCHICO.EDU>
> >Sent: Monday, January 05, 2004 1:14 PM
> >Subject: Labour aristocracy
> >
> >
> > > >Paul B wrote:
> > > >What is actually clear is that relatively few producers/corporations
in
> >the
> > > >world, lets say 300, headquartered in very few states lets say 10,
but
> > > >mostly in the US, have a monopoly ( in the sensible sense of over 25%
of
> >the
> > > >market ( UK Competition regs)), and that this 'monopoly' allows huge
> >profits
> > > >which are in part are used to provide payments to sections of the
work
> >force
> > > >to ensure loyalty and stability to the system.
> > >
> > > I don't think this is actually clear. What sections of the work force
are
> > > being referred to? My computations for the US, using BLS statistics
for
> > > hourly wage rates of production workers in all sectors of the economy
(83
> > > per cent of employed workers), making very rough adjustments for
direct
> > > taxes, social security contributions and receipt of state cash
benefits,
> > > and deflating by the NDP deflator, seem to show that
> > >
> > > in 1978, real hourly product wages were 11.79 and by 2000 had risen to
> >11.97.
> > >
> > > A total of 18 cents of a 1996 dollar over 22 years doesn't seem like
an
> > > increase which would ensure loyalty and stability to the system.
> > >
> > > For nonproduction workers (17 per cent of the workforce), real hourly
> > > product wages were 20.88 in 1978 and 34.89 in 2000. Is it these
workers
> > > (with supervisory responsibilities) to which the labour aristocracy
> > > hypothesis refers?
> > >
> > > Simon
> > >
> > >
> >
> --------------------------------------------------------------------------
> >--------------------------------------------------------------------
> > >
> > > Simon Mohun
> > > Centre for Business Management,
> > > Queen Mary, University of London,
> > > Mile End Road,
> > > London E1 4NS,
> > > UK
> > >
> > > Tel: +44-(0)20-7882-5089 (direct); +44-(0)20-7882-3167 (Dept. Office);
> >Fax:
> > > +44-(0)20-7882-3615
> > > Webpage:  www.qmul.ac.uk/~ugte154/
> > >
> >
> --------------------------------------------------------------------------
> >--------------------------------------------------------------------
> > >
>
> --------------------------------------------------------------------------
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>
> Simon Mohun
> Centre for Business Management,
> Queen Mary, University of London,
> Mile End Road,
> London E1 4NS,
> UK
>
> Tel: +44-(0)20-7882-5089 (direct); +44-(0)20-7882-3167 (Dept. Office);
Fax:
> +44-(0)20-7882-3615
> Webpage:  www.qmul.ac.uk/~ugte154/
>
> --------------------------------------------------------------------------
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>
>


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