Re: measurement of abstract labor

From: Paul Cockshott (wpc@DCS.GLA.AC.UK)
Date: Thu Jul 15 2004 - 06:09:52 EDT


 Howard
-------
I did not pitch the comments I made on the priorities of emergence at the
level of historical development, so I'm quite happy to accept your points.
I think there is a real contribution critical scientific realism can make
here.  If we study the real causal structures of things, that doesn't mean
we study their historical development.  So I can speak of causal priorities
without having to map that also as historical priority.  As an analogy, I
can study the way the lungs function in mammals and what their consequences
are for other parts of the body structure without studying the historical
evolution of lungs in mammals.  In fact there's a way in which being able to
do the latter depends on a good grasp of the former.


I think this explanation also responds to your point about "taking force
away" leading to the collapse of commodity production.  Without doubt this
is correct at the level of actual historical events.  But if I am pursuing
the simplest determinations in the sense of the "Method of Political
Economy" I can take force away by means of abstraction and uncover the
simpler determinations of the underlying relations of production and
exchange.

Paul
----
This is broadly a fair enough point.
But in dealing with the inter-relationship between force and commodity
exchange, one has to be careful about the form of abstraction
one is proposing.

It is a matter of theoretical choice to abstract from force in
thinking of money rather than choosing to abstract from the use
of gold. In making the second choice one is going with the grain
of history, in making the former, one is not.

Howard
----------

I'm interested in your point that I have portrayed state money as on a par
with private bills of exchange.  Can you give a fuller explanation of the
problem you see here?

Paul
----
There are several answers to this.

1. The state is not just another actor like a private individual in
   the market, it is only such, to the extent that the political
   influence of sections of the bourgeoisie pressurise it to act
   in such a limited manner.
2. Bills of exchange are promises to pay state legal tender, they
   thus presuppose state legal tender. The same can be said of
   bank accounts, credit cards etc. State money is only a promise 
   in a very limited sense - that the state promises to accept it
   in payment of tax debts. But these tax debts are fundamentally
   different from the commercial debts that give rise to bills of
   exchange. In the latter case, we have a conservation of property
   between the two agents in the relation. Cotton spinner x gives
   up yarn to weaving company y in return for a promise of cash
   in 90 days, the value of x's property does not change as a result.

   When the state tells x that he must render to the exchequer 
   5000 pounds by the 31st of December, there is a decrease in x's
   property as a result. It is not an exhange of equivalents. Thus
   a conceptual apparatus that attempts to deduce money from the
   exchange of equivalents misses out on the basic non-exchange
   relation that generates the circulation of money in the first
   place.


This archive was generated by hypermail 2.1.5 : Fri Jul 16 2004 - 00:00:01 EDT