On 2010-08-04 22:28, Michael Perelman wrote:
> Very interesting.  Thank you.  Could you tell me more about how the
> strategy was successful on its own grounds but ultimately hit the limits
> predicted by Marx and Kalecki?
>
>    
The 'Rehn-Meidner model' was successful in that it compressed wage 
differentials and induced higher growth rates of productivity and 
output. This created furthermore a basis for an expansive universal 
welfare state without entering into explosive opposition from the 
capitalist class. It did however require an active labour market policy 
by the state precisely because the goal was to push out low-productivity 
firms, which would result in unemployment unless the state helped 
re-deploy displaced workers either by skill or geographic relocation.
This accounts for the rapid maturation of the capitalist economy in 
Sweden---resulting in very high levels of concentration of capital---as 
well as its high level of socialization with a relatively large 
proportion of the workforce in the public sector.
Now this highly productive trajectory has ultimate limits that one would 
predict on the basis of Marx's insights on profitability and Kalecki's 
insights on full employment:
It implies a high investment ratio but the workforce was stagnant and 
the growth rate of productivity could not counter-balance these two 
factors. Hence the steady-state rate of profit mentioned before fell, 
and therefore the average rate of return on capital. At the same running 
the economy at full employment strengthened an already strong labour 
movement, winning evermore ground. The adoption of the 'wage-earner 
funds' was the ultimate expression of this political danger from 
capitalists' point of view. The public sector was also a significant 
part of the economy. In other words, the rule of capital was gradually 
being challenged. In addition it seems like there were strong 
inflationary pressures in the economy which would undermine the rentier 
interest.
In my view these were the ultimately limits that sealed the fate of the 
'Rehn-Meidner model'. Meidner's own, somewhat different, account is 
attached in this e-mail.
I disagree, however, with Jerry's assessment that
> [t]he fate of the Meidner Plan could be seen as a case study in what happens when one tries to reform one's way into syndicalism.
Rather I think the fate of the propsed 'wage-earner funds' showed the 
serious strategic limits of the reformist labour movement, in 
conjunction with the international context of neoliberalism in the early 
1980s.
//Dave Z
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