> The question Michael and many other Marxists political economists seem to
> hesitate to answer is whether we can talk of a general global economic crisis and if yes,
> in what sense can the contemporary crisis can be described as a general crisis.
> What is more interesting to me as a political theorist is that though we have to do with
> global crisis leading capitalists states/blocks were not able to develop a common plan to
> tackle the problem together. In particular Germany whose economy is expanding is keen
> for national solutions.
Hi Dogan:
Recent developments seem to put to rest the idea of "de-linking" of the capitalist
economies. Yes, I think that the world capitalist economy is experiencing the
early phases of a crash. Is that what you mean by a "general crisis"? In one
(the most important) sense the crash has not yet turned into a "general crisis":
i.e. the level of working-class resistance to capital's solutions to the crisis has been
relatively weak and uncoordinated and certainly hasn't to any significant way
challenged capitalism per se (with the possible exception of some regions in Latin
America).
(In the rest of this post I am "thinking aloud".)
To turn to your second question, I'm not sure if there will be a "common
plan" which is accepted by states from the leading capitalist nations to
overcome the crisis. *But*, I think we are seeing the likely emergence of
a new period - which I will call "Corporate state capitalism". You can call
it the beginning of a new conjuncture, or a new regime of accumulation,
or a new social structure of accumulation if you wish. I don't want to get
into the relative merits of these expressions here.
The point is that we are entering a new period/stage - which contrasts in
some ways to the preceding stage of Neo-Liberalism (or whatever you want
to call it).
What will characterize this new "period"?
This is a very fluid period so a lot remains to be seen about what will happen.
To paraphrase someone else (I can't remember whom), what we are seeing is
the *privatization of benefits and the nationalization of risk*.
As Michael Rainey put it (in "Is the bailout 'socialist'? Not even close"):
"private corporations are allowed to aggressively pursue profit
while the state shields firms and their managers from the danger of
systemic meltdown".
In some nations (this seems to be the current "European model") this
takes the form of nationalizations. In the US it has taken the form of
"bailouts".
While I am hesitant to use this expression (because of the baggage
the expression 'state capitalism' has - i.e. it is a highly miss-used
designation), we might call this period "corporate state capitalism"
(used by Doug Page in "Cross Examining Capitalism") or "state
corporate capitalism" (Rainey). Again - I don't want to argue at this time
about the relative merits of different expressions. Nor will I discuss
at this time related concepts (like "long swings"). What I am concerned
about is the meaning of the new period and its possible implications.
At the risk of being accused to crystal ball gazing, I'll innumerate some
of what looks to me to be the likely characteristics of this new period.
For purposes of simplification alone, let's look at this in terms of the "key
relationships" suggested by Bowles, Edwards, and Roosevelt (in _Understanding
Capitalism_, 3rd edition) of a "Social Structure of Accumulation".
These relationships are:
* capital-capital
* capital-labor
* labor-labor
* government-economy
So, here goes:
*capital-capital*:
Likely characteristics: We will see the continued trend of the formation
of *regional trade associations* (customs unions) in which blocs of
capital from different regions will (at least, conjuncturally) merge
together and pursue joint economic policies. This suggests that the
new period will be characterized in part by increased *inter-imperialist
rivalry* (and, with it, increased threats of global military confrontations).
We will also witness, as part of this, a relative weakening of the power
of US imperialism (i.e. an end to US hegemony) while other blocs
attempt to take over as the leading hegemon. Protectionism, rather
than further trade 'liberalization' (of the kind we saw in the preceding
period), is likely. In some ways, this could be seen as the end of
"globalization".
*capital-labor*: corporations, under the guise of nationalism, will
demand that unions and workers make "concessions": i.e. sacrifices
aimed at increasing corporate profitability. The threat of capital strikes
and outsourcing will be - once again - employed to attempt to induce these
concessions. The relative weakness of the union movement (due in
part to its "leadership") will probably mean that more bargaining power
will be with capital than with workers in the early phase of the new
period (especially if the size of the industrial reserve army is high).
This might very well change as the period "matures", i.e. there
could very well be another working-class radicalization (or maybe NOT -
we CAN'T SAY at this time anything with conviction about that at this time
because this has yet to happen).
*labor-labor*: Although _relative_ wages in some areas (e.g. China) have
been increasing, there is no reason to suppose at the present time that
the divisions among unions will be surpassed. On the contrary, the
formation of the economic blocs among nation states referred to above,
might very well lead to an increase in 'regionalism' among the working
class rather than internationalism.
*government-economy*:
Bail out corporations and pass along the cost (for the most part) to
workers: nationalize risk while still supporting (and propping up)
corporate profits. This could be thought of as a regressive change in
the tax burden of different classes and hence a lowering of the customary
living standards of the working class. On the spending side, further austerity
(for workers, that is). This will be rationalized on the grounds that
"everyone has to make sacrifices for the good of the nation" (even while
corporations and the highest-income earners will only be asked to make
*nominal* sacrifices). The "war on terrorism" will again be used as a pretext
for military actions by the US (and its international cronies), but - because
of the increased regionalism and inter-capitalist rivalry, this might very
well lead to hightened resistance by other capitalist powersw (most
notably, Russia and China). Designing effective policies to deal with
climate change will be put on the back burner at least in the early
stage - and, afterwards, the costs associated with dealing with it will
mushroom as the global climate, perhaps, goes beyond the "tipping point").
Not a very rose picture for workers, is it?
OK, I just stuck out my neck with some comments about what I think will
characterize the 'new period'. Do others agree or disagree? What have I
omitted in my very sketchy outline above?
In solidarity, Jerry
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Received on Wed Oct 8 10:00:48 2008
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