Hi Paul,
I agree that questions regarding the transition to socialism are quite open 
questions.  As you suggest, the evolution of capitalist industry showed 
forces of production reshaped in function of the capital relationship.  The 
capital relation gets written in steel and stone.  At first the capital 
relation means nothing more than that the worker is subjugated to the 
authority of the capitalist.  then she is subjugated to the authority of the 
machine.  This is a theoretical point Bettelheim insisted on:  the 
development of the forces of production is shaped by the relations of 
production.  That is the significance of the domination of the relations of 
production over the forces of production -- we would want some evidence not 
just of material development of the forces of production but of transformed 
social relations shaping material development.  So at least that question 
has been well asked -- to take Bettelheim seriously we have to explore in 
what way socialist relations would alter the nature of the productive 
forces.
Most fundamentally, we'd want evidence that the development of the forces of 
production reflected a dynamic not of the accumulation of dead labor but 
instead of the enhancement of living labor.  And on that point one decisive 
kind of reshaping that has to occur is to work out ways associated labor can 
develop the productive forces democratically.   There's no precedent for 
this.  That is, the most important productive force is living labor itself, 
and I'd want to look to advances in forms of organization as well as to the 
material transformation of things.  We'd expect the discovery and 
transformation of forms of organization to lead to the transformation of 
material things.  But forms of collective managment of production, forms 
that draw on and develop from each according to ability, are significant in 
their own right.  Kimberle Crenshaw's attention to intersectionality argues 
listen first to those at the intersection of multiple oppressions.  As we 
find forms of organization to do so we will have developed the forces of 
production of living labor.  That would be a measure.
I'm uncomfortable, though, with your treatment of the transition as a mix of 
ensembles.  I would want to speak of an articulated mix of structures or 
relations:  you suggest a mix of societies.  Probably I misunderstand, but 
what on earth could that mean?  Perhaps you're saying the same thing, but 
wouldn't it be clearer to say, as Bettelheim does, that immediately after 
the revolution there is socialist political authority, but that the 
structure of real appropriation remains capitalist?  Thus socialist 
political and juridical powers must be used to transform capitalist 
relations of appropriation.  Where socialist political power loses its 
connect with the working population and a minority makes decisions that 
reproduce the separation of productive entities from one another and the 
separation of laboring producers from the conditions of production, then, 
even though private property in a juridical sense no longer exists, 
nonetheless social reproduction is dominantly capitalist.  Formally 
socialist but really capitalist.  This will lead to interests and 
irationalities (output measured in tons?  make heavier chandeliers) that may 
favor and eventually lead to overwhelming pressure (by the minority) and 
sufficient acquiescence to restore traditional ownership forms.  But in the 
end the ownership form is secondary (though changes in forms of capitalist 
ownership also can have significant and destructive effects, as we 
witness) -- the main thing is that a minority in power, economically and 
politically, functions in structures of real appropriation that reproduce 
capital as a social relation.
The key then is to know what capital is and what its transformation would 
look like.  Marx refers to capital's "Kerngestalt" -- structural kernal --  
and Bettelheim identifes this as the double separation.  I understand this 
as a causal structure -- real and relational, but underlying and not 
empirical.  So like a chemist manipulating elements to reshape a molecule we 
look for its transformation and that is the way we measure the success or 
not of societies in transition.  That brings us to the questions you raised 
in your earlier post.  I'll take those up in another email.
howard
howard engelskirchen
he31@verizon.net
----- Original Message ----- 
From: "Paul" <wpc@dcs.gla.ac.uk>
To: "Outline on Political Economy mailing list" <ope@lists.csuchico.edu>
Sent: Sunday, May 31, 2009 6:27 PM
Subject: Re: [OPE] question re published letters Engels
>
>
>>
>> But, the question that you ask is a good one.  Both Khruschev and Lenin
>> (but not so much Mao - at least from the Great Leap Forward and after)
>> shared the belief that socialist relations of production would arise as a
>> consequence of increasing forces of production, but there is obviously no
>> necessary reason why this must be the case.
>>
>> The Bolsheviks, especially in the early period, tended to somewhat 
>> uncritically glorify
>> the empowering possibilities of  advances in technology and 
>> industrialization.
>> This romanticisation of industrialization could also be seen in the 
>> constructivist
>> art of the period.
>>
> Yes but  if we  take Bettleheim seriously  we have to ask  in what way 
> would  socialist relations of production alter the nature of the 
> productive forces.
>
> If we model the transition between modes of production as a Markov process 
> then in any given year there is a certain transition probablility P(c->s) 
> for a society going from capitalism to socialism, there is also a 
> transition probability for a society going from socialism back to 
> capitalism P(s->c).
>
> If each probability is non zero we will end up with a population of 
> societies that is a stochastic mix or capitalist and socialist states. 
> Such a transition system has an equilibrium mix and does not show secular 
> evolution.
>
>
> If we just characterise societies as socialist or capitalist in terms of 
> social relations then the above argument is actually an argument about 
> transtions between ensembles not individual states. One ensemble   we 
> characterise as capitalism and
> the other socialism. Within each ensemble or macrostate, there is a 
> plethora of microstates characterised by different combinations of forces 
> of production with the broadly socialist or broadly capitalist relations 
> of production, and also by a plethora of variations of property and 
> authority relations within the broadly capitalist or broadly socialist 
> categories.
>
> To show a secular evolution of modes of production such that mode of 
> production A is superior to B ( say A= capitalism
> B= feudalism ) then we have to have the property that the reverse 
> transtion P(a->b) falls over time. In the capitalist case this was because 
> capitalist agriculture and capitalist industry developed new forces of 
> production whose operation under the old feudal relations of production 
> was improbable. Thus the longer capitalism existed, the less likely a 
> feudal restoration became.
>
> The question one has to ask is whether we can say the same thing about 
> socialism. Is it the case that the longer a socialist society exits, the 
> more it develops new modes of material production that would be hard to 
> operate under capitalist relations of production?
>
> And if that is the case, does the existence of these new modes and 
> techniques of  material production reduce the probability of capitalist 
> restorations?
>
> It seems to me that these are quite open questions. On the one hand the 
> USSR clearly developed organisations and structures of production that 
> were crucially dependent on the all union planned economy. When that was 
> removed after the Yeltsin coup there was a wholesale collapse of 
> production and a huge increase in mortality rates.
> So the USSR developed forces of production whose continued operation was 
> not compatible with capitalism, but the mere existence of these forces of 
> production does not itself seem to have been sufficient to reduce the 
> transition flux P(s->c)
> towards zero.
>
>
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Received on Sun May 31 22:59:38 2009
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